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An Epic Telephone Game? Thomas Lockley’s “African Slaves Trend Theory”

2024.10.23

In tracing the sources of Lockley’s 2016 paper, I may have identified the original inspiration behind his descriptions in “Nobunaga and Yasuke.”

*Bold emphasis added by me.

地元の名士のあいだでは、キリスト教徒だろうとなかろうと、権威の象徴としてアフリカ人奴隷を使うという流行が始まったようだ。

Translation:
Among the local nobility, a trend seems to have emerged in which African slaves were used as symbols of authority, regardless of whether they were Christians.

Thomas Lockley, Nobunaga and Yasuke: The Black Samurai Who Survived the Incident at Honnō-ji, Ohta Publishing, 2017, p.16.

There’s a similar description in “大航海時代だいこうかいじだいの日本人奴隷にほんじんどれい (Japanese Slaves in the Age of Exploration),” co-authored by Lucio de Sousa and Mihoko Oka, which sparked considerable discussion in Japan. It appears that these statements may have originated from the same source materials.

Interestingly, neither Lockley nor Sousa & Oka lists their sources. The original source might lie in the work of foreign scholars of Japanese history, such as Leupp or Russell.

I’ve separated this article from my ongoing series of questionable statements on Lockley’s paper, as the “Black Slave Trend” theory isn’t directly tied to his paper.

This article is the English version of my X article:

The Claim in Lockley’s “Nobunaga and Yasuke”

Here’s the key statement in Lockley’s “Nobunaga and Yasuke” that drew attention:

弥助は日本を旅した最初のアフリカ人ではなかったが、これだけ高貴な人物に別行したアフリカ人は彼が最初だったにちがいない。イエズス会士は清貧の誓いを立てて奴隷制に反対しており、通常はアフリカ人を伴うことはなかったからだ。ポルトガルやアジアのほかの地域から来た貿易商たちー宣教師とは異なる行動原理を持つ外国人たちーがアフリカ人を伴うことはあったが、この当時は貿易商が九州沿岸にある港から離れることは滅多になかった。したがって弥助は内陸部に赴くたびに、大騒ぎを引き起こした。地元の名士のあいだでは、キリスト教徒だろうとなかろうと、権威の象徴としてアフリカ人奴隷を使うという流行が始まったようだ。弥助は流行の発信者であり、その草分けでもあった。とはいえ、弥助本人にはおそらくその自覚はなく、注目を集めることにとまどったり、それを面白がったりしていたにちがいない。

Translation:
Yasuke was not the first African to travel to Japan, but he was likely the first to accompany such a noble figure. Jesuits had taken vows of poverty and opposed slavery, so they generally did not bring Africans along with them. Traders from Portugal and other parts of Asia—foreigners who operated with a different set of principles than the missionaries—sometimes had Africans with them, but traders rarely ventured far from ports on the Kyushu coast during this period. As a result, every time Yasuke went inland, he caused a great stir. Among the local nobility, a trend seems to have emerged in which African slaves were used as symbols of authority, regardless of whether they were Christians. Yasuke was both the trendsetter and pioneer of that trend. However, Yasuke himself was likely unaware of it, probably feeling bewildered by the attention or finding it amusing.

Thomas Lockley, Nobunaga and Yasuke: The Black Samurai Who Survived the Incident at Honnō-ji, Ohta Publishing, 2017, p.16.

It’s possible his intention was simply to emphasize, “Yasuke was amazing!!!”

However, many Japanese readers have criticized this statement as potentially misleading, as if there were a black slave system in Japan.

According to Lockley, this chapter is a narrative part (Since this is revealed after reading the narrative part, readers are led to believe it is a fact while they are reading,) and no sources are provided. This has led some to feel Lockley invented the theory from scratch.

Although there’s a brief about its sources on pages 45–46, none of the articles or historical materials I discuss here are mentioned.

It’s likely that many people would find it difficult to understand why Lockley made the statements so contrary to common Japanese historical knowledge.

It’s quite possible that Lockley’s perspective was influenced by foreign researchers’ views on Japanese history, such as those by Leupp or Russell.

Now, let’s look at what these researchers say.

Leupp’s Paper: Was Hiring Black People a Status Symbol?

In a previous article, I introduced a section from Gary P. Leupp’s paper “Images of Black People in Late Medieval and Early Modern Japan, 1543–1900,” which includes the following statement after mentioning Yasuke:

The Origin of the Theory that Black Slaves Owned Japanese Slaves in Japan, Questionable Statements in Lockley’s Paper – Part 3
In Part 1, I discussed Thomas Lockley’s claim that "Black slaves in Japan owned slaves." In Part 2, I pointed out that a...
japanese-with-naoto.com
2024.10.16

A few years later, the English merchant Richard Cocks referred in his diary to ‘Caffroes’ (Kaffirs) in the service of various daimyō.6 Apparently the employment of such people had become a status symbol among the élite.

6: Shiryō hensanjo, eds, Nihon kankei kaigai shiryō: Diary Kept by the Head of the English Factory in Japan. Diary of Richard Cocks, 1615-1622. Tokyo, Univer- sity of Tokyo, 1978-80, Vol. I, pp. 26 and 109.

Gary P. Leupp, Images of Black People in Late Mediaeval and Early Modern Japan, 1543-1900, “Race, Ethnicity and Migration in Modern Japan: Imagined and imaginary minorites”, vol 3, 2004, p.407

This theory seems to be a favorite of Leupp’s, as he repeats the same content in another book:

A few years later, the English merchant Richard Cocks referred in his diary to “Caffroes” (Kaffirs) in the service of various daimyo. Apparently the employment of black Africans had become a status symbol among the élite. 25

25: Shiryô hensanjo, eds., Nihon kankei kaigai shiryō: Diary Kept by the Head of the English Factory in Japan. Diary of Richard Cocks, 1615-1622 (Tokyo: Universityof Tokyo Press, 1978-80), vol. 1, pp. 26, 109.

Gary P. Leupp, Interracial Intimacy in Japan, Continuum, 2003, p.37

Both works cite “The Diary of Richard Cocks.”

This diary, written by Richard Cocks, head of the English Factory in Japan from 1613 to 1623, describes the period when the factory operated out of Hirado.

But does this diary really contain such statements?

The Diary of Richard Cocks: I Couldn’t Find Any Evidence of Africans as Status Symbols

The Diary of Richard Cocks is available online from the University of Tokyo’s Shiryō Hensanjo in both the original text and a Japanese translation.

Here are the pages Leupp referenced:

Based on these pages, here are the parts that may have inspired Leupp’s claim:

Also Chombo Donos man (a Caffro) came frõ Miaco w’th a lettr for Oyen Dono, and brought word his m[aste]r was coming downe for Lan-gasaque, and that Safian Dono 58) was ordayned tono (or king) of Arima. 59) This Caffro I gaue lodging to in the Engl’sh howse w’th meate & drinke, because he was servant to such a mr.

Modern Translation:
Also, Chombo Dono’s man (a Caffro) came from Miyako with a letter for Oyen Dono, and brought the message that his master was coming down to Nagasaki and that Safian Dono had been appointed tono (or king) of Arima. I provided this Caffro with lodging in the English house, along with food and drink, because he was the servant of such a master.

p.26 https://clioimg.hi.u-tokyo.ac.jp/viewer/view/idata/850/8500/58/0301/0024?m=all&n=20

Another entry reads:

Two Caffros of the king came frõ Langasaque & advised me that an English gentleman was kept captive in cheanes abord the ship of Amacan, & that they saw hym he being a yong man of 24 or 25 years of adge.

Modern Translation:
Two Caffros of the king came from Nagasaki and informed me that an English gentleman was being held captive in chains aboard the ship of Amacan, and that they saw him—he was a young man, about 24 or 25 years old.

p.109 https://clioimg.hi.u-tokyo.ac.jp/viewer/view/idata/850/8500/58/0301/0107?m=all&n=20

From these entries, I cannot find any direct evidence of the elite using Africans as status symbols. This interpretation seems to be Leupp’s own.

Russell’s Paper: Raising More Questions Than Answers

John G. Russell may have expanded on Leupp’s theory in his 2007 paper, “Excluded Presence: Shoguns, Minstrels, Bodyguards, and Japan’s Encounters with the Black Other” : https://repository.kulib.kyoto-u.ac.jp/dspace/bitstream/2433/71097/1/40_15.pdf

The paper starts with the surprising theory that Sakanoue no Tamuramaro, a historical Japanese figure, was black. Initially, I suspected this paper might not be OK, and in the end, I found that it wasn’t.

If I summarize, this paper suggests that “there are theories of a black Sakanoue no Tamuramaro and even a black Buddha in Japan. Black people were once respected in Japan, but discriminatory European values spread into Japan, leading Japanese people to discriminate against black people.”

This paper contains many things which I couldn’t understand, and I felt an undercurrent of resentment toward Western values.

Russell dedicates a large portion of the paper to the theory that Sakanoue no Tamuramaro was a black, which makes for interesting reading.

It also appears he may have selectively chosen sources to support his narrative.

Russell describes Yasuke’s last known appearance in Japan as follows:

Retained as an attendant by Nobunaga, he later accompanied him into battle against the rival lord Akechi Mitsuhide (1528? – 1582) who upon defeating Nobunaga at Horyuji, spared the African and subsequently released him. 11

11: Endô Shûsaku’s novel Kurombô ([N-word], 1973) offers a comical retelling of Yasuke’s narrative in which the titular character (renamed Tsumpa) is reduced to a cowardly, infantile buffoon.

John G. Russell, Excluded Presence: Shoguns, Minstrels, Bodyguards, and Japan’s Encounters with the Black Other, Jinbun kagaku Kenkyusho, Kyoto University, 2007, 24p

Here, he makes a major error: “Honnō-ji” has been mistakenly written as “Hōryū-ji.”

  • Honnō-ji (本能寺ほんのうじ) is a temple in Kyoto known for the Honnō-ji Incident in 1582.
  • Hōryū-ji (法隆寺ほうりゅうじ) is a temple in Nara, built in 607, which is famous for being the oldest wooden structure in the world.

Furthermore, he omits the record in which Akechi Mitsuhide referred to Yasuke as a “creature ignorant of anything.”

Instead, he references Endo Shusaku’s 1973 novel “Kurombo,” using it to claim, “spared the African and subsequently released him.”

Is it appropriate to cite a fictional novel from 40 years ago in a historical study?

Returning to the main topic, let’s examine what may be one of the origins of the “Black Slave Trend” theory:

Tohoku University professor Fujita Midori places the number of Africans temporarily residing in Japan during the 16th century at several hundred. Some came to Japan as slaves, servants, valets, sailors, soldiers, and interpreters. Their roles were not limited to serving Europeans. Like Yasuke, a number of Africans were employed by daimyô in various capacities, as soldiers, gunners, drummers, and entertainers. 12

12: See Leupp 1995, 2; and Fujita 1987a, 30 – 33.

John G. Russell, Excluded Presence: Shoguns, Minstrels, Bodyguards, and Japan’s Encounters with the Black Other, Jinbun kagaku Kenkyusho, Kyoto University, 2007, pp.24-25

Russell’s sources for this passage are:

  • Leupp’s “Images of Black People in Late Mediaeval and Early Modern Japan, 1543–1900”
  • Fujita Midori’s ” ‘Nihon-shi ni okeru ‘kurobô ‘no tôjo: Afurika ôrai kotohajime’ (Early History of Afro-Japanese Relations: People Called Kurobo in the Sixteenth Century), Hikaku Bungaku Kenkyû 51, 28 – 51.”

A Telephone Game of Midori Fujita’s Work?

Midori Fujita’s “Early History of Afro-Japanese Relations: People Called Kurobo in the Sixteenth Century” can be accessed through the National Diet Library Digital Collection (login required):
https://dl.ndl.go.jp/pid/3158419/1/15

Although Russell references another journal “Comparative Literature Studies,” this description appears in a different pages, detailing the number of black people who temporarily resided in Japan. Here’s a translation of that passage:

この時の印象が強烈だったのだろうか、秀吉も信長同様、アフリカ黒人にことのほか興味を示したようだ。サン・フェリーペ号の事件に巻き込まれた黒人の船員を京都に呼び寄せ、しばらくの間手許に置いている (38) 。
　フィリピン・メキシコ間スペイン定期航路船サン・フェリーペ号が一五九六（文禄五）年土佐の浦戸に漂着して積荷を日本側に没収されたこの事件は、小瀬甫庵の『太閤記』巻十六、「土佐國寄舟乃事」、及び『土佐軍記』下、「浦戸湊唐船寄來事」に記録 (39) されており、多数の黒人が日本に寄港したことがわかる。『太閣記』には生存者数が「残って黒坊二百五十人、しんにょろ十人餘、商人三十人許有 (40)」、『土佐軍記』には「黒坊三百餘人乗衆二百餘人アリ (41)」とある。総数に約二百人ほどの隔たりがあるものの、黒坊に関しては約五十人ほどの差である。『土佐軍記』には黒人数が出ているのに白人数が明記されず、これもまた、当時の日本人の黒人に対する関心の高さを示す一例と言えるかも知れない（12）。

Translation:
Perhaps due to the strong impression they left, Hideyoshi, like Nobunaga, seemed to have taken a particular interest in black Africans. black sailors involved in the incident of the San Felipe were brought to Kyoto and kept under his care for a while (38).
　The incident involving the Spanish galleon San Felipe, which was a regular trade ship on the route between the Philippines and Mexico, took place in 1596 (the fifth year of the Bunroku era), when the ship drifted ashore in Urado, Tosa, and its cargo was seized by the Japanese side. It is recorded in Ose Hoan’s “Tosa no Kuni Yorifune no Koto” in “Taikoki vol.16,” and “Urado no Minato Tōsen Kitaru Koto” in “Tosa Gunki” vol.2 (39), which we can find that a large number of black people had landed in Japan. According to the Taikoki, “the survivors included 250 ‘kurobo (black)’ and over 10 Asians, along with around 30 merchants. (40)” The “Tosa Gunki” records “there were over 300 ‘kurobo’ and over 200 people onboard. (41)” Although there is a difference of about 200 people in the total count, there is only a difference of about 50 for “kurobo.” In “Tosa Gunki,” the number of blacks is specified, but the number of whites is not. This could perhaps be seen as another example of the high level of interest in black people among the Japanese at that time. (12)

Midori Fujita, Nihon-shi ni okeru ‘kurobô ‘no tôjo: Afurika ôrai kotohajime, Early History of Afro-Japanese Relations: People Called Kurobo in the Sixteenth Century, Doctoral Dissertation, University of Tokyo, 1997, p.19.

Regarding the roles of these black men, Fujita adds:

　たいていの黒人はポルトガル人、スペイン人の下で働く船員であり、護衛であり、下僕であった。あとで詳述するが、サン・フェリーペ号に大挙して乗船していた黒坊に至っては、その人数の多さからみて、メキシコに輸送される途中だった奴隷 (4) ではないかと思われる。その一方、有馬晴信の陣営に現われた黒坊は砲術の技術者に見えただろうし、肥前名護屋城で踊った黒人たちは第一級のコメディアンとして喜ばれた。

Translation:
Most of the black people were sailors, bodyguards, or servants working under Portuguese or Spanish patrons. As I will elaborate later, given their numbers, it is likely that the “kurobo” aboard the San Felipe were slaves (4) being transported to Mexico. On the other hand, the “kurobo” who appeared in the camp of Arima Harunobu were probably seen as artillery technicians, and the black people who performed at Hizen Nagoya Castle were highly regarded as top-class comedians.

Midori Fujita, Nihon-shi ni okeru ‘kurobô ‘no tôjo: Afurika ôrai kotohajime, Early History of Afro-Japanese Relations: People Called Kurobo in the Sixteenth Century, Doctoral Dissertation, University of Tokyo, 1997, p.20.

According to Fujita, the hundreds of black people who temporarily stayed in Japan after the San Felipe incident were likely slaves in transit.

However, Russell’s account gives the impression that hundreds black people arrived in a wider range of roles than just slaves—servants, attendants, sailors, soldiers, interpreters—and this difference in interpretation leads to some confusion.

This is getting complex, so let’s summarize the findings so far:

Midori Fujita (1987)

  • Several hundred black people temporarily stayed in Japan following the San Felipe incident.
  • These black people were likely slaves being transported.

Gary Leupp (1995)

  • Employing black people appeared to have become a status symbol among the elite (citing The Diary of Richard Cocks, although I cannot find in the cited pages).

John G. Russell (2007)

  • Fujita estimated that several hundred Africans temporarily resided in Japan.
  • Some came to Japan as slaves, servants, attendants, sailors, soldiers, and interpreters.
  • A number of Africans, like Yasuke, served daimyō in roles such as soldiers, gunners, drummers, and entertainers.

Did Russell Misinterpret Fujita Midori’s Theory?

He may have misread Fujita’s doctoral thesis. For instance, he describes black men as “soldiers,” “drummers,” and “entertainers,” likely drawing from Fujita’s mention of “black people who performed at Hizen Nagoya Castle.”

However, these black men were not hired by Japanese lords but rather served the Portuguese:

一五九三（文禄二）年、豊臣秀吉は肥前名護屋でポルトガル人カピタン、ガスパール・ピント・ダ・ローシャに謁見を許した。その折、カピタンは、「金色の槍を携えたカフル人を護衛として」従えていた。太鼓と笛をもっていた黒人たちは赤い衣装をまとい、秀吉の望むまま踊り始めた。

Translation:
In 1593 (the second year of the Bunroku era), Toyotomi Hideyoshi granted an audience at Hizen Nagoya to Portuguese Captain Gaspar Pinto da Rocha. At this time, the captain was accompanied by “Kaffirs as guards, bearing golden spears.” The black men dressed in red robes with drums and flutes performed dancing at Hideyoshi’s request.

Fujita Midori, Nihon-shi ni okeru ‘kurobô ‘no tôjo: Afurika ôrai kotohajime, Early History of Afro-Japanese Relations: People Called Kurobo in the Sixteenth Century, Doctoral Dissertation, University of Tokyo, 1997, p.19.

Russell may have misinterpreted her statements.

And Lockley may then have combined the interpretations of Leupp and Russell to create the narrative: “Among the local nobility, a trend seems to have emerged in which African slaves were used as symbols of authority.”

If this hypothesis is correct, the entire concept might resemble an epic telephone game of academic paper.

Lockley has other instances in his work where he appears to combine theories, so it wouldn’t be surprising for me if he did the same in the fictional sections of his book.

The Origin of the Theory that Black Slaves Owned Japanese Slaves in Japan, Questionable Statements in Lockley’s Paper – Part 3
In Part 1, I discussed Thomas Lockley’s claim that "Black slaves in Japan owned slaves." In Part 2, I pointed out that a...
japanese-with-naoto.com
2024.10.16

Further Questions on Russell’s Paper

There are too many other points worth questioning in Russell’s paper, but I’ll introduce one more example here.

After Russell’s discussion of black attendants, he told the claim found in the Part 3 of my article: “Black people owned Japanese slaves in Japan.”

Clemons suggests that privileged African and East Indian slaves in Japan kept Japanese slaves and mistresses, as did their European masters prior to the ban on Japanese slavery by Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1536 – 1598) in the late 16th century(33 – 34). Indeed, as late as 1598 the Portuguese missionary Luis Cerqueria reported: “Even the very lascars and scullions of the Portuguese purchase and carry [Japanese] slaves away. Hence it happens that many of them die on the voyage, because they are heaped up upon each other, and if their masters fall sick (these masters are sometimes Kaffirs and negroes of the Portuguese), the slaves are not cared for. These scullions give a scandalous example by living in debauchery with the girls they have bought, and whom some of them introduce into their cabins on the passage to Macao” (Murdoch, 243).
　　Significantly, the ban on the traffic in Japanese slaves applied to all foreigners, white and black alike. Equally significant is the fact that the Africans were allowed to have Japanese slaves at all, since, if Japanese considered blacks inferior, it is unlikely they would have permitted them to own Japanese slaves.

John G. Russell, Excluded Presence: Shoguns, Minstrels, Bodyguards, and Japan’s Encounters with the Black Other, Jinbun kagaku Kenkyusho, Kyoto University, 2007, p.25

The Clemons source appears to be an undergraduate thesis. In Japan, undergraduate theses are rarely cited, but is it common abroad?

In Part 3, Lockley implies “Black people owned Japanese slaves in Japan,” likely influenced by Russell’s work.

In another part, he also cites Russell’s article “The Other Other,” which I have not verified personally.

Lockley’s paper has many mysteries, but it seems at least one puzzle has been solved.

Next, let’s explore the unusual statements in Sousa & Oka’s work.

Did Sousa & Oka Refer to Russell’s Paper?

In “Japanese Slaves in the Age of Exploration,” co-authored by Lucio de Sousa and Mihoko Oka, the authors write:

信長の右筆であった太田牛一の『長公記』にも、黒人彌介の皮膚の色が牛の皮膚のようで、年は一六、七歳であると書かれている。その記録には、弥助は穏やかな気性であると記される。

Translation:
Ota Gyuichi’s “Shinchoki,” which records Yasuke’s skin color, describes it as like that of an ox, and he seems to be around 16 or 17 years old. The records also note Yasuke’s gentle temperament.

Sousa & Oka, Japanese Slaves in the Age of Exploration: Asia, the New World, and Europe, Revised Edition, Chuokoron Shinsha, 2021, p.215.

In noting Yasuke’s age, Sousa & Oka make the same error as Russell, suggesting they may have used his article as a reference:

The first Japanese reference to Yasuke appears in Ôta Gyûichi’s (1527 – 1613) Shinchô Kôki (Chronicle of the Life of Oda Nobunaga, 1600), wherein he is described as a robust young man of around sixteen or seventeen years of age, black as a bull, and of fine character (Fujita 1987a).

John G. Russell, Excluded Presence: Shoguns, Minstrels, Bodyguards, and Japan’s Encounters with the Black Other, Jinbun kagaku Kenkyusho, Kyoto University, 2007, p.24

Elsewhere in the same book, Sousa & Oka write:

カフル人を従者にすることは、日本人にとっては『富貴』や『威風』の象徴で、交易に関係する大名たちはこぞってその所有を望んだと思われる。

Translation:
Having Kaffir attendants was likely regarded as a symbol of “wealth and prestige” for Japanese, and Japanese lords involved in trade seemed eager to possess them.

Sousa & Oka, Japanese Slaves in the Age of Exploration: Asia, the New World, and Europe, Revised Edition, Chuokoron Shinsha, 2021, p.218.

This passage, too, aligns with statements by Leupp and Russell, making it likely that Sousa & Oka’s narrative was similarly influenced.

Why Didn’t Sousa & Oka Cite Their Sources?

Nonetheless, in “Japanese Slaves in the Age of Exploration,” Sousa & Oka offer no citations for these claims.

As for Lockley, he would have omitted citations because it was fictionalized section, although it would still have been preferable to include them.

However, Why didn’t Sousa & Oka cite their sources?

When questioned about her references, Oka declined to respond:

カンボジア太郎さんに悪意のないことは承知しておりますが、私の一挙一投足、悪意的にYouTubeやツイートのネタにする方がおられ、ご質問の受付はこれにて最後とさせていただきます。

Translation:
While I understand that Mr. Cambodia Taro means no ill will, I have become an unwilling subject of YouTube and X posts by individuals with ill intentions, so I will no longer accept questions.

However, She previously posted a link to Leupp’s paper without any explanation. Perhaps she meant to indicate Leupp’s work as her reference:

She sometimes sends materials without explanation, often making her intentions unclear.

Another X user has questioned her silence, but she has yet to respond.

御意。
黒人奴隷流行の件、岡美穂子氏が先行研究として提示した1995年のLeupp論文ベースらしい。
上の元ポスでデソウザ岡夫妻の共著にロックリー氏が影響されたという疑惑が出て岡美穂子氏が否定しました。
両書ともこれに影響されたらしいですが、その旨注記してないです。

Translation:
Understood.
Regarding the “black slave trend” theory, the base seems to be Leupp’s 1995 paper, which Oka Mihoko had previously presented as a prior research.
In the above post, suspicions arose that Lockley had been influenced by the joint work of Sousa and Oka, which Miho Oka denied. It appears both books may have been influenced by Leupp’s work but did not include any notes on it.

元ツイの疑惑にも回答お願いします。
貴著の出版はロックリー氏の『信長と弥助』より後ですが、デ・ソウザ氏のポルトガルでの著作はそれ以前とのことですね。一方が他方を参考にした？
Leupp論文が先行研究なら貴著p216にもロックリー氏のp16にも注がないのはまずいのでは？

Translation:
Please also respond to the questions raised in the previous post.
Your book was published after Lockley’s “Nobunaga and Yasuke,” but De Sousa’s work in Portugal predates it, correct? Did one work reference the other?
If Leupp’s paper is prior research, shouldn’t it have citation note on page 216 of your book as well as on page 16 of Lockley’s?

Did Oka Avoid Disclosing Her Sources Due to Possible Flaws in the Argument?

Interpreting The Diary of Richard Cocks to mean “symbol of wealth and prestige” seems to be a stretch for me.

It’s possible that Oka didn’t respond because she feared further criticism for uncritically referencing statements from Leupp.

I would like her to clarify this issue.

Conclusion

After examining these theories, here’s a summary of the key points in chronological order:

The Diary of Richard Cocks (1615–1622)

  • Mentions three black individuals, but I couldn’t find any reference to “status,” “prestige,” or “authority.”

Midori Fujita’s Paper (1987)

  • Describes several hundred black individuals temporarily staying in Japan after the San Felipe incident.
  • Speculates that they were slaves in transit.

Gary Leupp’s Paper (1995)

  • Suggests that employing black people became a status symbol for the elite, though I couldn’t find such statements in the cited pages of The Diary of Richard Cocks.

John G. Russell’s Paper (2007)

  • Estimates several hundred Africans temporarily resided in Japan, citing Fujita.
  • Claims that some came as slaves, servants, attendants, sailors, soldiers, and interpreters.
  • Like Yasuke, some employed by daimyō as soldiers, drummers, and entertainers (It seems to be a misinterpretation of Fujita’s paper.)

Thomas Lockley’s Nobunaga and Yasuke (2017)

  • Among the local nobility, a trend seems to have emerged in which African slaves were used as symbols of authority, regardless of whether they were Christians.

Sousa & Oka’s Japanese Slaves in the Age of Exploration (Revised Edition, 2021)

  • Having Kaffir attendants was likely regarded as a symbol of “wealth and prestige” for Japanese, and Japanese lords involved in trade seemed eager to possess them.