Previously, I introduced papers and writings that appear to have inspired Thomas Lockley’s “Theory of the Black Slave Trend.”
Recently, I came across another potential source that might have influenced this theory. I’ve compiled my findings here as Part 2.
This time, the focus is on “Escravatura e diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII (2014),” authored by Lucio de Sousa.
Lucio de Sousa, the husband of Mihoko Oka, is currently a specially appointed associate professor at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.
While his name has occasionally surfaced in discussions surrounding the Yasuke controversy, his works outside of the co-authored “The Japanese Slaves of the Age of Exploration (大航海時代の日本人奴隷, with Mihoko Oka)” have rarely been mentioned.
Interestingly, Sousa and Lockley seems to be friends, which raises the possibility that they exchanged ideas and research materials on the subject of black slaves.
夫の友人ですよ。でも夫の友人は私の友人ではないし、私の友人は夫の友人ではないのです。
Translation:
https://x.com/mei_gang30266/status/1833100810433319286
He is one of my husband’s friends. But my husband’s friends are not my friends, and my friends are not my husband’s friends.
This blog post is the English version of my Japanese X article.
- Similarities Between Lockley’s and Sousa & Oka’s Claims
- Introducing the Three Key Books
- Questionable Statements in Sousa Portuguese Version: Escravatura e diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII (2014)
- Similar Statements in Sousa English Book
- Exploring the Jesuit Letter
- Were Sousa and Lockley Close Collaborators?
Similarities Between Lockley’s and Sousa & Oka’s Claims
Let’s first review the “African Slaves Trend Theory” as described in Lockley’s book, “Nobunaga and Yasuke (信長と弥助, 2017)”.
*Bold emphasis is added by me
地元の名士のあいだでは、キリスト教徒だろうとなかろうと、権威の象徴としてアフリカ人奴隷を使うという流行が始まったようだ。
Translation:
Thomas Lockley, Nobunaga and Yasuke: The Black Samurai Who Survived the Incident at Honnō-ji, Ohta Publishing, 2017, p.16
Among the local nobility, a trend seems to have emerged in which African slaves were used as symbols of authority, regardless of whether they were Christians.
Now, compare this to the co-authored work by Sousa & Oka, “The Japanese Slaves of the Age of Exploration: Expanded Edition (2021)”:
カフル人を従者にすることは、日本人にとっては『富貴』や『威風』の象徴で、交易に関係する大名たちはこぞってその所有を望んだと思われる。
Translation:
Sousa & Oka, Japanese Slaves in the Age of Exploration: Asia, the New World, and Europe, Revised Edition, Chuokoron Shinsha, 2021, p.218
Having Caffre attendants was likely regarded as a symbol of “wealth and prestige” for Japanese, and Japanese lords involved in trade seemed eager to possess them.
These statements are so similar that some have speculated that Lockley might have drawn inspiration from Sousa & Oka’s assertions.
However, this relevant section in “The Japanese Slaves of the Age of Exploration” appears to have been added in the expanded edition, published in 2021, which came after Lockley’s Nobunaga and Yasuke in 2017.
Initially, I believed Lockley likely had not used this as a reference.
However, it turns out that the original Portuguese version of “The Japanese Slaves of the Age of Exploration” was published in 2014, several years before Lockley’s work.
ソウザ岡⑪
増補新版P216「…屈強で珍しいカフル人を従者にすることは、日本人にとっては「富貴」や「威風」の象徴で、交易に関係する大名たちはこぞってその所有を望んだと思われる。」
この記述も無根拠と批判が。
2014年のソウザの著書にもあるならロックリーにも影響を？Translation:
https://x.com/tentaQ4/status/1850954726260756970
Sousa & Oka ⑪
Expanded Edition, p.216: “…Having strong and rare Caffre attendants was likely regarded as a symbol of ‘wealth’ and ‘prestige’ for Japanese, and Japanese lords involved in trade seemed eager to possess them.” This description has been criticized as unfounded.
If a similar passage exists in Sousa’s 2014 book, could it have influenced Lockley?
If the Portuguese original, “Escravatura e diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII (2014),” contains similar statements, there’s a possibility Lockley was influenced by it.
To confirm this, I reviewed the contents of Sousa’s Portuguese book.
The result? Similar statements do indeed exist. In fact, there are even some astonishing claims:
Os japoneses, além de fornecerem aos portugueses escravos de origem chinesa, japonesa e coreana, tinham particular interesse em adquirir escravos africanos da região de Moçambique e da região do Malabar.
Translation (Using ChatGPT):
Lúcio de Sousa. Escravatura e diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII, NICPRI, 2014, p.220
In addition to supplying the Portuguese with slaves of Chinese, Japanese, and Korean origin, the Japanese were particularly interested in acquiring African slaves from the Mozambique region and the Malabar coast.
A similar claim also appears in Sousa’s later English book, The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan (2018):
In addition to providing the Portuguese with Chinese, Japanese, and Korean slaves, the Japanese had a particular interest in acquiring African slaves from Mozambique and Indians from the Malabar region.
Lúcio de Sousa. The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits, and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves. Studies in Global Slavery, Vol.7, Brill, 2018, p.272
These claims are quite shocking.
In Japan, the 2014 Portuguese version of Sousa’s book is only available at the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies Library, which may explain why it has largely gone unnoticed until now.
As a graduate of Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, I’m fortunate to have access to the library. I went there recently to verify the contents myself.
Let’s now take a closer look at Sousa’s assertions.
Introducing the Three Key Books
To clarify, let’s organize three of Sousa’s works for easier understanding:
Escravatura e diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII (2014)
- English Translation: Japanese Slave Trade and Diaspora in the 16th and 17th Centuries.
- Language: Portuguese.
- Availability: In Japan, only held at the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies Library.
- Reference in this article: “Sousa Portuguese Version.”
The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan (2018)
- Length: Roughly double the volume of the Sousa Portuguese Version, approximately 600 pages.
- Significance: Represents Sousa’s most comprehensive research on Portuguese slave trade involving Japan.
- Content Overlap: Shares some material with the Sousa Portuguese Version.
- Access: The PDF is publicly available and can be read in full through browser.
- Reference in this article: “Sousa English Book.”
- Note: This book has received surprisingly harsh criticism on Wikipedia.
最新の日本人奴隷の研究成果については、ルシオ・デ・ソウザの著作「The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan」（2019年）がある[110][116]。野心的な研究として高く評価される一方で、歴史学者ハリエット・ズーンドーファー[注釈 37]はポルトガル人の逸話、発言や報告にある信頼性の低い記述を貧弱な説明と共にそのまま引用していること、どこで得られた情報なのかを示す正確な参考文献を提示しないために検証不可能であり、書籍中での主張に疑念を抱かさせるといった批判をしている[118]。近世日本の社会経済史を専門とするギヨーム・カレ[注釈 38]はデ・ソウザが西洋圏の一次資料や二次資料に焦点を当てる一方で、日本における中世末期から17世紀までの奴隷制の慣行に関する膨大な研究成果を利用しなかったことで、依存と服従の形が隷属と見分けがつかないようなポルトガル人来航以前の日本の社会状況を知ることができず、日本における隷属の歴史から見たポルトガル人の特殊性への考察が欠けているとも論評している[119][注釈 39][注釈 40]。
リチャード・B・アレン[注釈 41]は、デ・ソウザは研究と議論の十分な文脈化ができておらず、ミクロとマクロの歴史を結びつける試みに失敗したという。発見した史料を埋もれさせたくない気持ちが先走って、木を見て森を見ずの状態に陥いることになったと指摘している[123]。歴史学者ホムロ・エハルトもデ・ソウザの書籍中での主張には矛盾点[注釈 42]があると指摘している[124][注釈 43]。
Translation:
For the latest research on Japanese slaves, Lucio de Sousa’s work The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan (2019) is available [110][116]. While it’s praised as an ambitious study, historian Harriet Zurndorfer [note 37] criticizes it for quoting unreliable accounts from Portuguese anecdotes and reports without proper explanation, failing to provide precise sources for verification, and creating doubts about the book’s claims [118]. Guillaume Carré [note 38], a specialist in Japan’s socio-economic history, also remarks that de Sousa’s focus on Western primary and secondary sources neglects the extensive research on slavery practices in Japan from the late medieval period to the 17th century, and this oversight prevents proper contextualization of Portuguese practices within Japan’s broader history of servitude [119][notes 39, 40].Richard B. Allen [note 41] points out that de Sousa fails to contextualize his research and discussions adequately, losing the connection between micro and macro histories. Allen describes that, driven by a desire not to let the discovered sources fade into obscurity, he ended up “missing the forest for the trees” [123]. Historian Rômulo Ehalt also highlights contradictions in de Sousa’s book [124][notes 42, 43].
Wikipedia on Portuguese Slave Trade, accessed November 13, 2024.
The Japanese Slaves of the Age of Exploration: Asia, the New World, and Europe (Expanded Edition) (2021)
- Language: Japanese (Original Title: 大航海時代の日本人奴隷 アジア・新大陸・ヨーロッパ 増補新版)
- Authors: Co-authored by Sousa and his wife, Mihoko Oka.
- Content: A Japanese translation and reorganization of the Sousa Portuguese Version.
- Expansion: The first edition was reportedly about one-third the length of the original Portuguese version but was expanded in the new edition.
- Note: Some sections of the Sousa Portuguese Version were not translated into this book.
- Reference in this article: “The Japanese Slaves of the Age of Exploration.”
Questionable Statements in Sousa Portuguese Version: Escravatura e diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII (2014)
Misstatement About Yasuke’s Age
One notable issue in The Japanese Slaves of the Age of Exploration involves Yasuke’s age. The book states Yasuke’s age as “16 or 17,” rather than the widely accepted “26 or 27.” Mihoko Oka dismissed this as a simple typographical error.
弥助の年齢に関して史料読めてないと延々ポストしていた方は、それが誤植だと分かっていて晒し続けていただけですよ。『信長公記』はずいぶん前から翻刻刊本も現代語訳もありますので。あとはサイゾーのインタビューがどうとか。「専門性が疑う」なら、私の業績全部読んでからどうぞ。
Translation:
https://x.com/mei_gang30266/status/1825160029529657472
Those who endlessly posted about misreading Yasuke’s age already knew it was just a typo but continued to flaunt it. Because The Chronicle of Lord Nobunaga (Shinchō Kōki) has been widely available in reprinted editions and modern translations for a long time. Besides, they float my interview on Cyzo is yada yada. If you’re doubting my professionalism, why don’t you read all my published works first?
However, the Sousa Portuguese Version also states Yasuke’s age as “16 or 17”:
Ota GyŪch (1527 – 161?) na obra Shinchō Kōki descreve como a pele negra de Yasuke como a pele de um touro, e que tinha entre 16 a 17 anos de idade. No mesmo documento também é referido que tinha uma personalidade muito agradável 107.
107: Michael Weiner, Japan’s Minorities: The illusion of homogeneity. Londres; Nava Larque: Routledge, 1997, 86-87.
Translation (by ChatGPT):
Lúcio de Sousa, Escravatura e diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII, NICPRI, 2014, p.240
In the work Shinchō Kōki by Ota Gyūichi (1527–161?), Yasuke’s black skin is described as resembling that of a bull, and his age is noted as being between 16 and 17 years. The same document also mentions that he had a very pleasant personality.
This suggests the issue was not a typographical error but rather a misinterpretation on Sousa’s part. More specifically, the error stems from Sousa relying on an incorrect secondary source instead of verifying the original material.
When I pointed out that citations in Sousa and Oka’s works are secondhand, Oka responded as follows:
そもそも私は「弥助」の研究者ではないし。指摘の部分は全体の分量の100分の1にも満たない箇所で。「器量なり」は研究者によっては、翻刻で「健やかに」との間に読点が入っています。一般書という性格で、「弥助」は付録の一項目に過ぎないので、参照文献の引用史料を見直すほどの手間はかけません
Translation:
https://x.com/mei_gang30266/status/1849011362355351687
To begin with, I’m not a “Yasuke” researcher. The referenced part constitutes less than 1% of the entire book. Besides, some researchers dot a comma between “器量なり(kiryō nari)” and “健やかに (sukoyaka ni, healthy)”. We don’t go to the trouble of revisiting cited sources for a detailed review since this is a general book, and Yasuke is merely a section in the appendix
It was surprising that a researcher openly admit to relying on secondhand sources.
Additionally, Sousa misquoted the source information.
Sousa cites the source as:
Michael Weiner, Japan’s Minorities: The Illusion of Homogeneity, 1997, pp.86–87.
However, the content of this book differs between its 1997 first edition and its 2008 second edition. The papers corresponding to pp. 86-87 in each edition are as follows:
- 1997 First Edition:
The Representation of Absence and the Absence of Representation: Korean Victims of the Atomic Bomb
Michael Weiner, p.79– - 2008 Second Edition:
The Other Other: The Black Presence in the Japanese Experience
John G. Russell, p.84–
It’s clear Sousa intended to cite Russell’s paper in the second edition, “The Other Other”.
This paper covers much the same content as the Russell paper introduced in Part 1, titled “Excluded Presence: Shoguns, Minstrels, Bodyguards, and Japan’s Encounters with the Black Other.”
The incorrect age of Yasuke is mentioned on pp. 86-87, which can be accessed here.
However, in the 1997 first edition, pp. 86-87 feature a paper about Korean atomic bomb survivors, completely unrelated to Yasuke.
Oka claimed that the 1997 edition was the “origin,” but it appears she made this claim without actually reading the 1997 version.
結論部分は、どちらも「九州」限定の話です。黒人奴隷が日本人奴隷を所有することがあったのは、Naoto氏も原典にたどり着いたように、トンデモではなく、「史料」にもとづいた話。これら諸説の多くはMichael Weiner, Japan’s Minorities; the illusion of homogeneity, Routledge, 1997が源流。
Translation:
https://x.com/mei_gang30266/status/1853443514488828011
The conclusions in both cases are limited to “Kyushu.” The claim that Black slaves occasionally owned Japanese slaves is not baseless but rather grounded in “historical sources,” as Mr. Naoto also has verified in the original documents. Many of these theories originate from Michael Weiner’s Japan’s Minorities: The Illusion of Homogeneity, Routledge, 1997.
She also claimed that books from this publisher are entirely credible.
Routledgeは世界で最も権威ある英の学術書出版社で、ここで出ている本の信用性は基本的には疑われません。
Translation:
https://x.com/mei_gang30266/status/1853445378642972930
Routledge is one of the most prestigious academic publishers in the UK, and the credibility of the books it publishes is generally unquestioned.
However, a quick look at Russell’s The Other Other, cited by Sousa, reveals numerous errors, such as:
- Incorrectly stating Yasuke’s age
- Confusing Honnō-ji with Hōryū-ji
- Using a graduation thesis to claim that privileged Black individuals owned Japanese slaves
The paper is full of issues that invite criticism.
間違いや変なことが書いてある本は、世界で最も権威ある学術書出版社の本でも、権威ある著者でも、間違いや変なことが書いてある本でしかないし、信用されないですよ。今時研究でも実務でも実績の伴わない権威や肩書きは情弱しかだませないと思います。
Translation:
https://x.com/SagaraSouju/status/1853462505060020554
A book with errors or strange claims is just a book with errors or strange claims no matter if it’s published by the world’s most prestigious academic press or written by a renowned author. It won’t hold up as credible. Nowadays, in both research and practice, unearned authority or titles can only fool information poor.
Moreover, in the Portuguese version of Sousa’s book, “器量なり (kiryō nari)” is translated as “personalidade muito agradável (a very pleasant personality),” making it clear that the original source was likely not consulted.
Similarly, in The Japanese Slaves of the Age of Exploration, it is translated as “穏やかな気性 (had a gentle temperament),” while in Oka’s “つなぐ世界史2 (Connected World History 2),” it is rendered as “容姿に優れていた (had an excellent appearance).” There’s a noticeable lack of consistency.
As I’ve pointed out many times, a typical Japanese reader would interpret it as “having a good physique.” This interpretation is also reflected in modern translations of Shinchō Kōki, both by Taiko Nakagawa and Jun Sakakiyama.
Uncritical Citation of Leupp’s Claims
Next, let’s examine a citation in Sousa Portuguese Version that appears on the page following the discussion of Yasuke’s age. Sousa references the work of Gary P. Leupp and writes:
O mismo diario apresenta a presenca de diversos caffroes, utilizando a palavra portuguesa, para designar os africanos ao servico dos daimyo locais, os quais se tinham transformando num simbolo de estatuto social entre a elite japonesa 113 .
113: Michael Weiner, Race, ethnicity and migration in modern Japan. Imagined and imaginary minorities. Londres e Nova lorque: Routledge Curzon, 2004, 407; Gary P. Leupp, Interracial intimacy in Japan: western men and Japanese women, 1543-1900. Londres e Nova lorque:Continuum, 2003, 37.
Translation (by ChatGPT):
Lúcio de Sousa, Escravatura e diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII, NICPRI, 2014, p.241
The same diary mentions the presence of several caffroes, using the Portuguese term to describe Africans serving local daimyos, who had turned them into symbols of social status among the Japanese elite.
The reference to “the same diary” points to Richard Cocks’s diary. Notably, Sousa uses the term “local daimyos (daimyo locais),” aligning closely with Lockley’s phrasing, “Among the local nobility… (地元の名士のあいだでは)”
However, neither of Sousa’s cited sources (Leupp’s and Russell’s papers) contains the term “local”. This addition appears to have been made by Sousa himself.
Moreover, Leupp’s paper uses the term “Caffroes (Kaffirs)”, while Sousa changes it to “Africans (africanos).” Similarly, Lockley’s Nobunaga and Yasuke translates this to “African slaves,” showing further alignment with Sousa’s wording.
Considering these points, it’s plausible that Lockley used Sousa’s arguments as a reference.
Relevant Excerpt from Leupp’s Work
A few years later, the English merchant Richard Cocks referred in his diary to ‘Caffroes’ (Kaffirs) in the service of various daimyō.6 Apparently the employment of such people had become a status symbol among the élite.
6: Shiryō hensanjo, eds, Nihon kankei kaigai shiryō: Diary Kept by the Head of the English Factory in Japan. Diary of Richard Cocks, 1615-1622. Tokyo, Univer- sity of Tokyo, 1978-80, Vol. I, pp. 26 and 109.
Gary P. Leupp, Images of Black People in Late Mediaeval and Early Modern Japan, 1543–1900, in Race, Ethnicity and Migration in Modern Japan: Imagined and Imaginary Minorities, vol. 3, Routledge, 2004, p.407
Leupp qualifies his statement with the word “apparently,” indicating that it is his interpretation rather than an established fact.
However, Sousa omits this crucial qualifier, presenting the claim as if it were a verified historical fact.
He might have misinterpreted the meaning of “apparently” as “obviously”.
The cited pages of Richard Cocks’s diary do not explicitly state that employing Africans was a status symbol. Leupp’s use of “apparently” signals that this is his hypothesis, not a statement of historical certainty.
If Lockley relied on Sousa’s interpretation, he may have mistakenly assumed that Africans being used as status symbols among local daimyos was an established historical fact, rather than speculative commentary.
Did the Japanese Desire African Slaves?
Sousa makes a particularly bold claim in Sousa Portuguese Version:
Existiam também escravos adquiridos por japoneses, os quais não eram para ser exportados, mas para servirem no Japão. Os japoneses, além de fornecerem aos portugueses escravos de origem chinesa, japonesa e coreana, tinham particular interesse em adquirir escravos africanos da região de Moçambique e da região do Malabar. Esta situação é perfeitamente identificável nos biombos nanbam, nos quais vemos inúmeros escravos e criados dos portugueses com fisionomias de diferentes regiões de África, Índia e Sudeste-asiático. Relativamente aos japoneses cristãos que compravam escravos, os jesuítas tinham instruções precisas para não questionarem a legitimidade do cativeiro destes escravos, para poderem continuar a ser favorecidos pelos japoneses 19.
19: BNM, Jesuitas, Legajo 21, fl. 48.
Translation (Using ChatGPT):
Lúcio de Sousa, Escravatura e diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII, NICPRI, 2014, p.220
There were also slaves acquired by Japanese people, not for export but to serve within Japan. In addition to supplying the Portuguese with slaves of Chinese, Japanese, and Korean origin, the Japanese were particularly interested in acquiring African slaves from the Mozambique region and the Malabar coast. This dynamic is clearly depicted in nanban screens, which portray numerous slaves and servants of the Portuguese with features characteristic of different regions of Africa, India, and Southeast Asia. Regarding Japanese Christians who purchased slaves, the Jesuits had specific instructions not to question the legitimacy of these slaves’ captivity, so as to maintain favor with the Japanese.
The claim that Japanese people actively sought African slaves is surprising and raises immediate questions about evidence. Sousa suggests that this desire can be deduced from depictions of black individuals in nanban screens.
However, why would the depiction of black slaves accompanying Portuguese on these screens indicate that Japanese people themselves sought African slaves? This logic seems tenuous for me.
In this passage, Sousa uses the term “African slaves (escravos africanos),” which directly aligns with the wording in Lockley’s Nobunaga and Yasuke (“アフリカ人奴隷 (African slaves)”).
Leupp’s earlier interpretation, cited by Sousa, describes black individuals as apparently being symbols of status, but it does not suggest that there was a widespread “trend” or desire among Japanese people to acquire them.
By contrast, Sousa’s phrasing—“a particular interest in acquiring African slaves”—implies an active desire or trend.
This nuance likely influenced the statement in The Japanese Slaves of the Age of Exploration, which claims that “交易に関係する大名たちはこぞって (こぞって = one and all) その所有を望んだと思われる (Japanese lords involved in trade seemed eager to possess them)”
Similar Statements in Sousa English Book
The same claim reappears, almost verbatim, in Sousa English Book:
The Japanese also acquired many slaves whom they did not intend to export. In addition to providing the Portuguese with Chinese, Japanese, and Korean slaves, the Japanese had a particular interest in acquiring African slaves from Mozambique and Indians from the Malabar region. This is perfectly clear from the nanbam screens, on which numerous slaves and servants of the Portuguese with different African, Indian, and Southeast Asian physiognomies can be seen. In regard to Japanese Christians who bought slaves, the Jesuits had specific instructions to abstain from questioning the legitimacy of such slaves’ captivity, in order to continue being favored by the Japanese.
Lúcio de Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits, and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves, Studies in Global Slavery, Vol.7, Brill, 2018, p.272
The final sentence gives the impression that Japanese people purchased African slaves and that the Jesuits tacitly approved of it.
Although this passage doesn’t include any citation in Sousa English Book, it is referenced in Sousa Portuguese Version as “BNM, Jesuitas, Legajo 21, fl. 48.” Does this document actually contain evidence of Japanese purchasing African slaves?
It seems this document is part of a Jesuit correspondence housed in the National Library of Spain in Madrid, making it difficult to access for those of us living in Japan.
Fortunately, the same correspondence is cited in another section of Sousa English Book, providing a way to investigate its contents.
Based on my findings, this correspondence does not seem to pertain to African slaves.
The explanation below gets a bit detailed and complex. I want to clarify that my interpretation can be incorrect since I cannot see the original text.
Exploring the Jesuit Letter
The same document is also referenced in Sousa English Book, in a section titled “Slave Regulations at the Society of Jesus.”
The same applied to moços bought by the Jesuits. First, the provenance of each was to be investigated in order to clarify the legality of their captivity. Should it be deemed illegal, the years of service to be granted should be determined by the Rector of the Jesuit Residence, after which time the moço was released. Also in accordance with previous regulations, all slaves purchased by the Jesuits had to be registered in a book containing the corresponding information and rules, so that they could be known and obeyed by those who consulted it.259 The priests were still forbidden to keep married moços without their rectors’ permission. The Commandments from Visitors made for the priests of [Jesuit] Houses and more priests from Japan, by Father Francisco Pasio reveal the hitherto unknown aspects of the religious and moral education of slaves living with the Society of Jesus. The Jesuits were instructed to teach these moços Catholic prayers, confession, and how to live a “good Christian” life. These teachings also focused on relationships with their fellow men, ensuring the slaves learnt how to behave both at home and in public,260 according to Japanese tradition.
These Commandments also described the procedures to be taken by members of the Society of Jesus concerning runaway slaves. The fugitives who took refuge at the Society, in order to protect themselves from their owners, should be helped by the Jesuits and released, making it easier for the clerics to maintain their friendship with the respective owners. To this end, the Jesuits should find a Japanese Christian who was willing to serve as an intermediary and seek a peaceful solution between the master and his slave. The priests were also warned not to question the bondage legitimacy of the slaves belonging to Japanese Christians.261Lúcio de Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits, and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves, Studies in Global Slavery, Vol.7, Brill, 2018, pp.341–342
- 259: BNM, Jesuitas, Legajo 21, fol. 40, Capítulo 2–8.
- 260: Ibid., fol. 41.
- 261: Ibid., fol. 48.
This section provides three references to “BNM, Jesuitas, Legajo 21.” These documents appear to detail Jesuit internal regulations.
The final reference, 261, matches the citation in Sousa Portuguese Version: “Ibid., fol. 48.”
The shared detail about Jesuits being warned not to question the legitimacy of the bondage legitimacy belonging to Japanese Christians suggests that this is indeed mentioned in the correspondence.
However, the entire section seems to focus on Japanese slaves and appears unrelated to Black slaves.
The reference cited in Sousa Portuguese Version, “BNM, Jesuitas, Legajo 21, fl. 48,” might pertain to arrangements regarding fugitive slaves in Japan.
It seems reasonable to assume that these fugitive slaves were Japanese.
It’s hard to imagine the correspondence specifically addressing “arrangements for Black slaves escaping from Japanese owners”—Did such a thing even happen in the first place?
If that’s the case, it’s puzzling why Sousa cited this correspondence on page 220 of Sousa Portuguese Version.
- The Japanese seemed eager to acquire African slaves.
- This is clear from the depictions on Nanban screens.
- Regarding Japanese Christians purchasing slaves, Jesuits were instructed not to question the legitimacy of their bondage. [Citing regulations on fugitive slaves, (specifically Japanese ones)]
The regulations on fugitive slaves don’t seem to have any connection to “Japanese ownership of Black slaves.” Why was this added after point 2?
In Sousa English Book, the same section doesn’t include a citation for this, and several aspects of it feel awkward or out of place.
It’s reminiscent of how Lockley approached citations. Honestly, I can’t make sense of the logic connecting points 1 and 2, let alone the addition of point 3—it’s completely baffling.
Perhaps the harsh criticisms of Sousa English Book on Wikipedia were more justified than I initially thought.
Were Sousa and Lockley Close Collaborators?
Having analyzed Sousa’s statements, let’s turn to the relationship between Sousa and Lockley.
In Nobunaga and Yasuke, Lockley cites Sousa’s earlier work, The Early European Presence in China, Japan, the Philippines, and Southeast Asia (1555–1590): The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro (2010). However, he does not reference Sousa Portuguese Version (Escravatura e diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII, 2014).
Still, it’s evident that Sousa and Lockley maintained a close relationship, frequently citing each other’s works and even writing reviews for one another.
For example, Sousa acknowledges Lockley in the footnotes of Sousa English Book:
This information was kindly given to me by the historian Thomas Lockley.
Lúcio de Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits, and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves, Studies in Global Slavery, Vol.7, Brill, 2018, p.130
Additionally, in a section titled “The Japanese in Mexico,” Sousa mentions Lockley’s upcoming book (advertisement?):
Thomas Lockley, “From the Land of the Gods to the Realm of the Queen: Japanese Mariners in Tudor England,” (forthcoming).
Lúcio de Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade in Early Modern Japan: Merchants, Jesuits, and Japanese, Chinese, and Korean Slaves, Studies in Global Slavery, Vol.7, Brill, 2018, p.440
The fact that Lockley shares unpublished details about his research with Sousa suggests a strong close relationship.
In a 2019 interview, Lockley stated that his awareness of Japanese slavery developed around 2012:
You touched on several points while introducing this great story. You touch on Japanese slavery which isn’t often discussed. Was Japanese slavery something you knew about prior to researching Yasuke’s story?
“Nine years ago, I didn’t, but it was something that came up within the realm of this research project. I’ve probably known about it for seven years now. I know a lot more about it now, for the simple reason, that my friend just published a book on it (THE PORTUGUESE SLAVE TRADE IN EARLY MODERN JAPAN)… His name is Lucio De Sousa. I highly recommend getting a hold of it or asking the library to buy it. So that you can get a hold of it.”
https://thelastdragontribute.com/african-samurai-author-thomas-lockley-interview-book-review/
It’s entirely possible that during that time, he had contact with researchers like Sousa who study slavery or had read their works.
Mihoko Oka, Sousa’s wife, recently mentioned that Sousa and Lockley remain in close contact saying they had lunch together:
2週間ほど前に、夫は彼と都心でランチしてましたよー。大炎上していた7月の終わりも私の知人が彼とゴハン食べに行くって言ってましたし。YouTubeって、いつ撮影したか分かんないですよねー。
Translation:
About two weeks ago, my husband had lunch with him downtown. Even at the end of July, when there was a lot of controversy, a friend of mine said they were going out to eat together. You can never tell when YouTube videos were filmed, can you?
She speculated twice that Lockley’s use of the word “流行 (trend)” in Nobunaga and Yasuke may have stemmed from translator’s misunderstanding of the term “popular”:
たまたま目に入りましたので、リプライに利用させていただきます。これはもしかしたら、「popular」の単語の意味の取り間違いではないかと。「流行する」ではなく「人気が出る」の意図であったのであれば、私も同意できるところです。
Translation:
https://x.com/mei_gang30266/status/1816125846211682650
This just happened to catch my eye, so I’ll reply to you. Could this possibly be a misunderstanding of the term “popular”? If it was meant to mean “人気が出る (gained popularity)” rather than “流行する (become trend),” I could agree.
「流行が始まった」の部分、原文は「became popular」だったんじゃないかな、と推測。
Translation:
https://x.com/mei_gang30266/status/1848945667433222624
Regarding the part about “a trend began,” I suspect the original term was “became popular.”
Initially, I dismissed these comments as absurd.
以下のポストのように解釈しているということですね。
しかしながら、その文に続いて「弥助は流行の発信者であり、その草分けでもあった。」ともあります。
「流行」は名詞なのでここでは「trend」が使われていたと推測します。当該文も「trend」なのでは。
Translation:
So, you are interpreting as described in the post below.However, the following sentence says, “弥助は流行の発信者であり、その草分けでもあった。(Yasuke was a trendsetter and a pioneer of it.)”
“Trend” would have been used in this context as well since “流行 (trend)” is a noun. I suspect the sentence in question might also use “trend.”
https://x.com/japanese_naoto/status/1848989654718288243
However, if she believes Sousa’s argument—that the presence of black individuals in nanban screens reflects Japanese interest in acquiring African slaves—was a major influence on Lockley, her speculation becomes understandable.
If the idea is “Black individuals were depicted on Nanban screens” → “They became popular,” I can more or less see the logic.
Unfortunately, however, Lockley’s original English text would be “trend,” not “popular.”
原文？英語版にもはっきりと書いてあるんですが。これも誰かが間違えたと？
Translation:
https://x.com/BnderSad/status/1849112475356283118
The original text? or in the English version, it’s clearly stated as trend. Are you(Oka) saying someone made a mistake with this too?
Could it be that Oka actually knew whose ideas influenced Lockley?
